مقاله منتشر شده در AULA ORIENTALIS / ISI
ذیل عنوان Comparative Study of Sociopolitical Goals of Constitutional Revolution and Jungle Movement in Iran
Available online at
www.editorialusa.com
ISSN: 0212-5730
Vol. 1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
623
Comparative Study of Sociopolitical Goals of Constitutional Revolution and Jungle Movement in Iran
Abbas NaeemiJourshari*1 , Mohammad Reza Gholami2, Sadigheh Kashani3, Mostafa Poor Ghasemi4
1Young Researchers and Elite Club, Rasht Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rasht, Iran
2Assistant Professor of University of Guilan, Rasht, Iran
3Researcher in History
4Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch, Dehaghan, Iran
*Corresponding author
ABSTRACT
The present study aims to comparesociopoliticalgoals of Constitutional Revolution and Jungle movement of Iran. Indeed, the study attempts to find out to what extent the goals of Jungle movement under MirzaKuchik Khan's leadership were similar to or different from Constitutional Revolution's. To answer this question, nature of Constitutionalism and its goals, political viewpoints of Jungle Movement on national independent, absolutism and justice movements are studied. Data for the study is collected from available documents and books and analyzed in historical context.
Key words: Sociopolitical goals, Constitutional Revolution, Jungle movement, MirzaKuchik Khan
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
623
Introduction
Before Kuchik Khan's movement, failure of first and second Constitutional revolution had led to people and fighter's disappointment; widespread absolutism had resulted in difficult life in Iran; meanwhile, in first world wild Iran had been occupied in spite of being neutral country. All these factors had caused myriad problems for Iranian. Occupiers and foreign military soldierswerepillaging in big cities and villages, conducting murders, and assaulting people. In addition, Iranian has been experiencing famine and starvation during those years (Shakeri, 2007: 79). In 1916, British military was expanding its power and control over southern part of Iran, Russians were entering Iran from north, and Iran's government was not powerful enough to fight for Iran's independence. These problems and ferocious conditions of Iran led to establishment of three movements for freedom, most importantly Jungle movement. The name was selected for the movement due to fighter's identity (they had started their movement from Jungles of Gilan). Leader of the movement was MirzaKuchik Khan.
MirzaKuchik was a nickname that had been given to Yunes, Mirza1Bozorg's son. He was born probably in 1880 or 1881 in Rast (Gilak, 1993: 7). His father was working in MirzaAbdolvahabMostofi's office (Marchenco, 2003: 60). Kuchik started his schooling in old-fashioned schools. He was learning religious lessons during those years. Then, he pursued his studies in Rasht and Tehran's schools. He was described as a tall, strong, blue-eyes man (Fakhrayi, 1978: 35). He was righteous in manner, a nationalist, and afighter for justice. He was also punctual but modest at the same time (Yusefi, 2003: 626).
After coming back to Rasht, he was one of the premiers in establishing Tolab (religious students) Community and one of the first leaders who arranged armed force for the sake of Constitutional Revolution.After 1908's coup d'état in Iran, Kuchik Khan escaped and went to Ghafghaz, where he was living in poverty and difficulties and was supported by his friend, MirzaHosseinKasmayi. At the time of Iran's Parliament's Bombardement in 1908, MirzaKuchikwas living in Ghafghaz, and exploring new world in Tbilisi and Baku. When he heard about a plan for Mohammad Ali Shah's deposition, he came back to Rasht to accompany constitutionalists. He attended Shahsevan's rebellion and tended to accompany Sattar Khan, but his sickness coerced him to go back to Tehran. During Turkmen's riot that was provoked by Mohammad Ali Shah, he attended the war as a volunteer, injured and was transferred to Baku again. Few months later, he came back to Gilan again because as he told Mohammad Ali Mirza he would prefer death to any activity against his nationalism and national desires (Madani,1998: 39).
Since MirzaKuchik did not have permission to live in his hometown from Russian Tsar'sConsole he had to live in Tehran for few years. Then, he left Tehran to establish Islamic Unification Center in Mazandaran with assistance of a constitutionalist named Mirza Ali Khan DivSalar, but a schism between them forced MirzaKuchik to leave Mazandaran and go back to Gilan in order to visit Dr. Heshmat. They established an armed group to fight against foreigners' prevalence. This Jungle army could defeat foreigners several times until 1917, when they were all gathered in Rasht. However, schism among Jungle group, some member's perfidy, Dr. Heshmat'ssurrender and execution (Naeemi, 2010: 2) and increasing forces on group's members from inside and outside of Iran, resulted in Mirza's loneliness. Finally, Jungle Movement ended up by Mirza's death in 1920 (Ravasani, 2004: 271).
1. Sociopolitical goals of Constitutional Revolution
Financial crisis in early 1905 led to public protests that contributed to 1906's revolution. The movement actually started as a peaceful protest in Moharam's lamentation ceremony (Moharam is a first month oflunar Arabic calendar in which Shi'a Muslims mourn publicly in streets for their third Imam's death). In the protest, almost two hundred merchants kept their stores closed to demonstrate their willingness for reforms including Joseph Naus' deposition. Protesters who had closed their stores
1. Mirza was a nickname that was given to important people
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
623
started their movement from Bazar and headed to Abdolazim's Holy Shrine. Mozafaredin Shah, who was in Europe at that time promised to accept protesters reforms. However, the king neglected his promise in his return to Iran from his trip.
Second protest took place in December 1905 because Tehran's Governor wanted to punish two well-known sugar merchants. The merchants were accused of overcharging. Therefore, 2000 merchants and religion students went to Abdolazime Shrine and took refuge there. This movement started under Tabatabayi and Behbahani's leadership (Quoted by Abrahamian, 2000: 105).The protestors presented their demands through Ottoman's ambassador in Iran. They mainly asked for justice all over Iran, Monsieur Naus' (head of Iran's tax office) dismissal, and changing Tehran's governor (Kasravi, 2001: 134). It is claimed that "Iran's Nation" term was heard at the time of this protest for the first time (Kermani, 1961: 246). The protester's requests were neglected by Iran's government at first, but after a month of strike, Iran's government had to agree the demanded reforms. This time, protesters requested more radical reforms than their firs demands: "return of religious leaders who were exiled due to their protests, deposition of Prince Atabak, opening a consultation office (a kind of local court),punishing Iranian martyr'skillers and returning all expatriate home.
A glance to the process of protests and protesters’ request demonstrates that there existed three main reasons for a widespread strife in Iran. First, military attacks of foreigners provoked public dissatisfaction. Russia entered Iran from north and Britain was expanding its power in south. Moreover, Iran's government had bestowed lots of financial privileges to foreigners. The most salient example of putting country under hammer and selling it to foreigners was a privilege given to Julius De Reuter that according to Kurzon (1964) had been never experienced in any other country and was the first instance in history. Another shameful example was William Knox D'Arcy's right to derivate and to use Iran's petroleum. According to 1900's contract D'Arcy had the right to discover petroleum in all states of Iran except Azerbaijan, Gilan, Mazandaran, Gorgan and Khorasan, and sell it for 60 years. He just hadto give 20000 Lira's in addition to 12 percent of his annual income to Iran's government (Mahdavi, 1992: 313). These privileges and contracts show why protesters asked for limitation of borrowing money from foreigners (Bashiri: 1981: 16).
Second, Iranians were not satisfied with absolutism and dictatorship in their country.Protesters request for changing governors such as Al'oddole and Atabakand asking for parliament prove protesters' dissatisfaction with power distribution. It should be noted that Constitutional Revolution in first steps led to the foundation of three institutions: Islamic Parliament, Local Consultant and Mojahid communities (Avery, 1997: 121). This was the first attempt to decentralize power. The most significant activity of parliament according to Baharwas financial laws revision and compiling laws and rules for country (Bahar, 1992: 2).
Finally, widespread injustice in Iran that actually connected to absolutism and foreigners' interference in governing Iran was another factor for Iranians’ dissatisfaction. Kurzonconfirms that broad exertion of tax collectors started from King and hierarchically reached miserable peasants. Indeed, governors' motto was "Collect whatever you can, whenever you can" (Shakeri, 2005: 76). Scrutinizing the leading years to Constitutional Revolution demonstrates that power was centralized among landlords, and peasants/ farmers had no right and benefit. Moreover, peasants had to pay taxes to government and provide various benefits for landlords at the same time, like paying taxes per person in the family, living costs, religious taxes (due to religious laws each person should pay one fifth of his/ her income as tax), fines and bribes. Tigranov, Tsar's consulate in Iran mentioned all these cases in his writings about Iran's situation (Shakeri, 2007: 47).
Nikitin, Tsar's second consulate in Rasht has confirmed all these facts. He, who analyzed land and division of land among people in Gilan, talks about two types of power among landlords.They collected taxes for government in one hand, and they ask for their land's rent (depending on nothing except for landlord's greediness) on the other hand. Sometimes, the peasants had to leave their hometown for searching more tolerable condition. As a result of these migrations, many villages had emptied (ibid: 48). Priest Perkins quoted from one of Azeri peasants their awful situation: "For instance, we don't know how white bread tastes. We can't store wheat for ourselves since we have to
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
623
pay all if it as tax. Millet is the only thing that remains for us." He also describes feudalism in Iran comprehensively: "Some wealthy elites of this beautiful country spend all their time in nice places, the rest live in poverty and misfortune. In Urmiye100 Khans (Lords) live near thousands of miserable people" (Morier, 1813: 279). Subsequently, establishing justice house was one of the earliest demands of constitutionalists.
2. Political goals of Jungle Movement
Since armed movement of Jungle fundamentally established to assist Constitutional Revolution, and because the revolution had three main goals and ideals, in following sections three political aspects of Jungle Movement are analyzed in comparison with Revolution: national independence, fighting against absolutism and demanding justice.
2.1. National Independence
Fakhrayi (1978: 51) claims that the most significant goals of Jungle movement were a) deporting foreign forces from Iran, b) achieving justice and safety, and c) fighting against dictatorship. Madani (1998: 73) also believes that "Mirza and his allies endeavored to forbid foreign interference in governing Iran so that Iran can be governed by Iranian themselves. They also aimed to replace governors with honest and righteous people in order to achieve freedom fighters goals, so they were against all colonizing ideas".Kasmayi, one of Mirza's companions in establishing Jungle Movement declare that "Our goal was to initiate a national government after independence, change farm proprietary system, and make education compulsory for everyone" (Hedayati, 2004: 73). Moreover, based on his comprehensive analysis Rechard (1995) claims that "[Jungle] Movement's leader inspired by universal goal of all nations that wanted independence for every country. Actually, they wanted constitution, national government who has access to national army and cancelling a system created by Europeans named Capitalization."
It should be noted that during fist World War, Iran had announced that the country is neutral in war. However, Iran's neutrality had been taken for granted and the country had been occupied by foreigners during war. Jungle movement that came to exist as a result of Iran's political situation was sensitive to Iran's independence. They insist that "We are in favor of country's independence firstly…" (Jungle newspaper, 5). They described independence as "complete independence in which even little interference from foreigners cannot be tolerated, no matter whether they are from neighboring countries or not" (ibid, 28). Talking about national independence was a danger for foreigners who had lots of benefits in Iran. Knowing that demanding independence can cause problem for their movement, Jungle Movement fans never draw back from what they started to fight for. They always insisted "Like always, we say to all countries around the world that whoever attacks our country and want to destroy our independence, no matter how powerful their armies are and how many soldiers they have, we will make a strong barrier in front of invaders, and since we are definitely right in defending our country, we will be the one who gains the victory…"(Gilak, 1991: 159).
It seems that Jungle Movement allies, on whom Kuchik Khan's ideologies had great impact, did not differentiate among different nation when they were talking about justice. For them each country that aimed to invade Iran was an enemy, no matter whether the country was Russia, Britain, Germany or Ottoman Empire (Jungle newspaper, 15). In his letter to Madivani, head of Red Republic of Iran, Mirza said: "I am fighting for Iran's independence and Iranian and all human being’s welfare without paying attention to their ethnicity and religion. I accept Lenin and Trotsky and all other wise leader's saying that each country must be governed by itself and I am trying to achieve this goal. I will consider whoeverinterfere Iran's national affairs as England or Nicola's puppet. I will never yield to any power even you" (Fakhrayi, 1978: 301).
All these documents prove that Mirza was an independence seeker; however, he was accused of being separationist. For instance, Hedayat (1995: 17) thought of Mirza's movement as an attempt for Gilan's separation and said: "what is the difference among Khiyabani, Lari and MirzaKuchik since all of them
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
663
want to separate their part from central government?" To answer such accusation, Mriza wrote to ZiyaBeyg, resident in Baku "I feel sorry for those immoral people who danced in every one's tunes, those who were constitutionalist at one time to just achieve personal benefit out of it. They become liberals now and name me as a thief and betrayal" (ibid: 311).He also said to Soviet Union's ambassador "I'll invite my allies to be patient; I'll wait to find out to what extent central government is considering public benefits and defend Iran's independence. We only fight for Iran and its independence, and we know that separation of Gilanis a start for new feudalism. We consider any movement that weakens country as a betrayal (ibid: 362).
"Mirza was a nice man who started his movement in Gilan, hestablished a government but he did not intend to govern an autonomous state. They were refering to Vosuqodole when they were talking about reasons of Constitutional Revolution's failure. They backbitten British invaders and central government and they were right in being pessimistic about government and foreigners." SaidSeyyed Hassan Taghizade(Afshar, 1988: 357). Avery confirmed Mirza's unwillingness for separation based on SadighA'lam's writings. He indicated that Mirzawanted reforms and renovation (Avery, 1997: 134).
Moreover, Shamim (1993: 60) in his analysis of Jungle movement and other movements in Iran proclaims that Khiabani, Kuchik Khan and Pesiyan's patriotism is not comparable to EsmailAqa, Masha'alah Khan Kashi, Feudal and Khaz'al movement since the former was for the sake of nationality and the latter was just for the sake of personal benefits. Ravasani (2003) also declares that "Mirza and his allies always aimed to achieve independence and freedom for Iran and all Iranians, not just for one area.Densterwill insisted on Mirza's defense of Iranians' right and their devotion for freedom all over Iran (Rechard, 1993) and Sasani's memories of visiting Mirza demonstrates how Mirza devoted his life to obtain freedom and independence for all Iranians. Sasani (1975: 3) has written that "[Mirza] was always upset about foreigners' interference and damages they cause in Iran."
Other researchers on Iran's revolutions like Cottam (1978) presented documents that clarifyMirza's opinion on Iran's international relations. He says:"Mirza and his allies who were known as Jangali battled against all enemies for the sake of a powerful Iran. They fight against Russian invaders, then British army and finally against German-Ottoman forces who entered Iran during World War" (Cottam, 1978: 160).
It is worthy to note some comments of aliens about Mirza's passion about Iran. A Russian authority considers Mirza as a nationalist who detests British because of their attempt to make Iranian inferior and Central government who was selling Iran to foreigners (Karimi, 2003: 407).Mirza's nationalism was reported in British agents and reporters too. They believed that provoking Mirza's passion about his country is one of the ways to solve their problems in interacting with him. In one of British embassy's report warning Mirza about negative consequence of his activities against foreigners was mentioned as one of the ways that may have influence on Mirza. In another report it was said that "Russians are discourages by Mirza since they consider him as a nationalist." (ibid)
2.2. Absolutism
One of the most significant features of Constitutional Revolution was its attempt for decentralizing power, fighting against absolutism and for justice. Indeed, constitutionalist tried to give a predominant role to public and decrease government absolute power. Jungle manifesto that was written under Mirza’sdirect supervision shows how their encounter absolute power of central government. In the first article of this manifesto it is stated that “power and government will belong to people and their representatives.” This article is actually in accordance with articles 42, 48 and 51 of constitution in which important and mighty facts including parliament’s representative and distribution, representatives freedom, parliament’s duties and rights, representatives responsibilities and mandates, making people cognizant about parliament’s affair, parliament representatives view points, and elections are discussed (Emami, 2003: 94). Second principle of Jungle’s manifesto’s first article also states that “government executives should be observed and chosen by those who elected by people not
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
663
by monarchs. This article is also in accordance with constitutional articles 27, 28, 29, 31 and amendment number 58 to 70. However, there are some articles and principles that are particularly belongs to Jungle’s manifesto. For instance, principle 5 of Jungle’s manifesto’s first article is about “revoking rights and privileges” that was including all national and international affairs. Article 3, principle 10 says “election should be public, proportionate, equal, and direct.” and principle 11 of the same article indicates that “all adults over 18 can select their representative and all adults over can attend election and be candidate.” Although there existedmany articles and principles in constitution and its amendmentabout parliament, there were no principle that particularly allocated to above facts. As a result, it can be claimed that Jungle’s manifesto pays more attention to some details about election and its conditions. Other principals that are particularly discussed in Jungle’s manifesto can be mentioned as follows: Article 4, principle 14 states thathoarding and monopoly of public capital is forbidden; and article 5, principle 15 is about transferring indirect taxes to direct one step by step. All these unique principles and articles about financial affairs prove Jungle Movements attempt and volition for financial reforms in Iran. These principles are also in harmony with Mirza’s interest inlegal positivism. Some other principles in Jungle’s manifesto demonstratehow they tried to improve law. In principle 21 of article 6, it was mentioned that “judgment should be quick, simple and gratuitous.” and principle 22 of the same article is about changing the physical punishment to reproaching and article 23 says “imprisonment with hard labor should be transformed to schooling and moral education”. These features of Jungle’s manifesto show how progressive they were in their way of thinking. Indeed, although it can be claimed that Jungle’s manifesto was in accordance with constitution in content, it was more progressive and intellectual (Naeemi, 2012: 66).
On the other hand, based on documents, one can claim that Mirza had a legal perspective in dealing with concepts like freedom. He clearly stated “I am fighting for freedom for all human beings, I want comfort for everyone. I consider any act and behavior against this as betrayal. I am against all those who abuses freedom to achieve their personal goals.” (Fakhrayi, 1978: 324)Mirza’s activities and behaviors show his thinking manner as well. When Abdol-razaqh and his army had lost the combat in Rasht, central government had to select Asefodole as Gilan’s governor and sent him to Gilan. He had the mission to suppress Jungle fans and was accompanied by Ashja’odole. Jungle allies were rabid with owners, so they arrested Mafakher and brought him to Mirza for judgment. Mafakher appealed for Mirza’s remission by promising not to bother Jungle movement fans anymore. Mirza forgave him and ordered to keep him in a safe place. However, a person named Hossein Khan PaprusimurderedMafakher without Mirza’s permission. When Mirza heard about the event, he angrily reproached his allies by saying “I told you from the first day that you shouldn’t punish anyone without acceptable and fair judgment.” (AkhavanArmaki, 2003: 77). Mirza’s reaction and speech is in accordance with their manifesto where it says: “All human beingswere born free and have equal rights.” To prevent any pertinacious and headstrong person, Mirza added this article to the Manifesto that “Judgment should be quick, simple and gratuitous.” (Naeemi, 2012: 66).
2.3. Social Justice
As mentioned before, Fakhrayi considered “fighting for justice and public safety” as one of the main goals of Jungle Movement. In addition, it has been written in Kasmayi’s notes that “they [in Jungle Movement] wanted to divide landlords’ farms among peasants and make education compulsory” (HedayatiKhoshkalam, 2004: 47).They also aimed to hinder foreigners from taking advantage Iran’s mines and natural sources. They also wanted to apply national capital to improve roads, industry, and factories, construct rail road and renovate educational system, hospitals and laboratories (Roshar, 1995).
All these cases demonstrate that Jungle Movement’s fans were fighting for expanding justice in Iran. Their manifesto also indicates their attitudes and ideologies. Article 5, principle 16of Jungle’s manifesto that is similar to principle18 and 19 of Constitutional Revolution Amendment, says: “Education for all children is compulsory and free.”Moreover, principle 20 of same article that is again similar to article 18 and 19 of constitution amendment says: “All public money should be controlled by people and be spent for the people themselves.”Mirza himself was interested in building school and stablished a few as well. There are more instances of their constitution such as: Principle
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
662
27 of article 8 “child labor for children under 14 is forbidden”; Principle 28, article 8 “try to lessen unemployment and invalidate sponging by building companies and institutions”; principle 29 of article 8 “expanding and establishing factories while stablishing labor law”; principle 30 of article 8 “reducing working time to 8 hours a day and allocating one compulsory day as an off-day”; Principle 31 of article 9 “establishing public clinics and hospitals”. These principles showMirza’s advanced way ofthinking very well, and make their willingness to achieve justice in Iran obvious.Moreover, a systematic glance to different features of Jungle Movement altogether provides more comprehensive understanding for researchers. He connected justice and independence by saying that “[we] have experienced different types of difficulties, poverty, and hard situations while we were hoping to clean up our country from perfidious Iranian and foreigners’ army and to start justice firmly” (Jangali, 1978: 163). He also confiscated foreigners’ properties in Iran since he believed that those properties belonged to Iranians. Afshar (2001: 85) declares that “Russian bank was confiscated by Mirza”. Mirza’s attempts to achieve justice while he was fighting against foreigners’ army and foreigners’ interference in Iran’s national affair shows his ideologies and attitudes. For Mirza achieving justice without obtaining independence seemed impossible.
It can be declared that central concept of socialism for Mirza was basically social equality and justice and is not similar to what Sovient Union’s Propaganda advertised for. In one of his speeches, Mirza insist on justice as his interpretation of Socialism by saying “We won’t be satisfied if communism abuses our name and our endeavors to cast aspersion on poor workers and let them starve. We won’t allow these people stigmatize holly name of socialism” (Gilak, 1991: 352). Mirza always insisted that following communism is impossible in Iran. In his letter to Lenin, Mirza had written:
“Collective Propaganda will have converse impact in Iran since its followers have no understanding off Iran’s requirements and Iranian’s trends. I warned your representatives on time that Iran’s nation will not accept methods and programs of Bolshevism because it is not practical at all and will lead Iranians to collude enemies…. Russian representative had promised us that they would not advertise for collective principles among people. However,comrade Abocov, who introduces himself as Russian representative somewhere and Iranian Justice Committee’s member other times, with few Iranian collectivists who came to Iran from Russia and have no information about Iranian’s habits and morality codes, are interfering Iran’s governing and weaken the army by their meetings and manifests. As a result, British army is taking advantage of this weakness and amplifies their forces in Iran. They also named me and my allies as imperials, it can result in revolution’ demolition. We are hearing remonstrance against this collective propaganda from everywhere in Iran. People indicate that they will not assist revolutionists. In Gilan particularly, those who were ready to devote their life for the sake of revolution once changed their attitude due to Russian’s advertisement. They now state their hatred to Abocovand his comrades. They may start anti-revolution activities.” (Kordestani, 2003: 374).
Even Russians who provided different analysis about Mirza and his activities during his movement or after his death, always considered Mirza as an Iranian who fights for justice. They believed “Kuchik Khan is a socialist propagandist, not because he is leading a partisan group but because of his social slogans even before British invasion to Gilan” (Karimi, 2003: 411).
Conclusion
Constitutional Revolution basically had three messages as following: a) maintaining national independence and fighting against foreigners’ political and financial interference in Iran; b) decentralizing power and fighting against absolutism by demanding constitution and parliament; c) reforming social structure and establishing justice and equality.Since this movement was a peaceful one, its failure led to constitutionalists’ disappointment. Subsequently, some of them like MirzaKuchak Khan started to establish an armed group and start guerrilla warfare. Jungle movement and their guerrilla warfare brings this question in mind that to what extent Jungle’s goals were similar to or different from constitutional revolution.
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
666
Based on remained documents, Junglis were most significantly worried about Iran’s occupation by foreigners. It should be noted that Mirza and his allies has been fighting for Iran’s Independence not for Gilan’s secession. All documents show that Mirza was not secessionist. In analyzing Mirza’s movement and the Jungle fan’s political attitude, it should be considered that the main goal of movement was fighting for Iran’s independence and against invaders. All reports and letters that remained form foreigners’ agents during Mirza’s time demonstrate Mirza’s opposition with foreigners’ interference in Iran. Moreover, there exist documents that obviously insist on reformative features of Jungle Movement such as demanding legislation, having a parliament that is managed by righteous politicians, and fighting against absolutism. Finally, some documents prove Mirza’s endeavor for obtaining justice and social equality is central ideology in Jungle Movement’ seven-years guerrilla warfare. Therefore, it can be stated that Jungle Movement’s goal under Mirza’sleadership was in concordance with Constitutional Revolution’s aim. Following chart shows the main goals in both Jungle Movement and Constitutional Revolution:
Table 1: Comparative Model of soci-political goals of two movements in Iran
Constitutional Revolution’s Goals
Jungle Movement’s Goals
Maintaining Iran’s independence by forming national government
Maintaining Iran’s independence by establishing guerrilla warfare
decentralizing government power by forming national parliament and communities
fighting against absolutism by establishing guerrilla warfare
improving justice and trying to obtain social equality by establishing justice house and building schools
improving justice by establishing justice house and building schools
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
663
References
1. Abrahamian, Ervand. 2000. Iran between Two Revolutions. Translated by Golmohammadi, Ahmad and Fatahi, Mohammad Ebrahim, Tehran: Ney Publication.
2. Afary, Janet.Iran’s Constitutional Revolution. Translated by Rezayi, Reza. Tehran: Bisotun Publication.
3. Afshar, Iraj. 1988. Stormy life (Seyed Hassan Taqizade’s biography). Tehran: Elmi Publication.
4. ______. 2001. Jungle’s Letter (Letters and Documents). Tehran:Foruzan Publication.
5. AkhavanArmaki, AbasAli. 2003. Freedom in MirzaKuchik Khan’s opinion. Rasht: Shahr-e Baran Publication.
6. Avery, Peter. 1998. Contemporary Historyof Iran (QajarDynasty). Translated byRafi’i. Mohammad. Tehran: Atayi Publication.
7. Bahar, Malekosho’ara. 1992. Brief History of Iranian Political Parties. Tehran: Amirkabir Publication.
8. Bashiri.Ahmad. 1981. Blue Book: British Confidential Documents about Iran’s Constitutional Revolution. Tehran: No Publication.
9. Cottam, Richard. 1978.Nationalism in Iran. Translated by Sarlak, Fereshteh. Tehran: Goftar Publication.
10. Emami, Feyzolah. 2003. Study and Analysis of Jungle’s Manifesto.Rasht: Shahr-e Baran Publication.
11. Fakhrayi, Ebrahim. 1978. Jungle’s Leader. Tehran: Javidan Publication.
12. Foran, John. 2010. Fragile Resistance: Social Transformation in Iran from 1500 to the Revolution.Translated by Tadayon, Ahmad. Tehran: Resa Publication.
13. Gilak, Mohammad Ali. 1993. Jungle Revolution’s History. Rasht: Gilan Publication.
14. Hedayat, Mokhber-al-Saltanah. 1995. Memories and Risks.Tehran: Zavvar Publication.
15. HedayatiKhoshkalam, Manuchehr. 2004. Ksmayi’s Note’s about Jungle Movement. Rasht: Katibe Gil.
16. Jangali, MirzaEsmail. 1978. Jungle Riot. Tehran: Javidan Publication.
17. Jungle Newspaper.5, 15, and 28.
18. Karimi, Behnam. 2003. Jungle Movement’s Ideologies. Rasht: Shahr-e Baran Publication.
19. Kasravi, Ahmad. 2001. Constitutional Revolution History. Tehran: Seday-e- Moaser.
20. Katuziyan, Mohammad Ali. 2000. State and Society in Iran: The Eclipse of the Qajars and the Rise of the Pahlavis. Translated by Afshar, Hassan.Tehran: Markaz Publication.
21. Kermani, Nazemoleslam. 1961. Iranian Development History. Tehran :Amirkabir.
22. Kurdestani, Soran. 2003.Jungle Uprising and Kurdish Uprising.Rasht: Shahr-e Baran Publication.
23. Kurzon, George. Persia and Persian Question.Translated by Mazandarani, Vahid. Tehran:
24. Nashr-e- Ketab Publication.
25. Marchencko. 2003. Kuchik Khan.Rasht: Shahr-e Baran Publication.
26. Naeemi, Abbas. 2012. SociologicalStudy of Jungle Movement. Tehran: Chapakhsh.
27. Roshar, Philip. 1995. Reformism and Tradition. Translated by Ruhbakhshiyan.In Gilava.Volume 34.
28. Saburi Deylami, Mohammad Hassan. 1979. A Glance to Jungle Movement from Inside. Tehran.
29. Shamim, Ali Asghar. 1993. Iran during Qajar Dynasty. Tehran: Afshar Publication.
30. Shakeri, Khosro. 2005. Financial and Social Background of Constitutional Revolution in Iran and Socialism appearance at that time. Tehran: Akhtaran.
Aula Orientalis (ISSN: 0212-5730) Vol.1, Page: 326-335 (2015)
663
31. ______. 2007. The Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran, Birth of the Trauma. Translated by Khavajiyan, Shahriyar. Tehran: Akhtaran Publication.
32. Sasani, KhanMalek. 1975.Memories of Istanbul’s Embassy. Tehran: Babak publication.
