مقاله منتشر شده در INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL of ACADEMIC RESEARCH Vol. 7. No. 1. January, 2015

)ISI(
ذیل عنوانCOMPARATIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS'

ROLE IN IRAN'S CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION

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Library of Congress Classification: H1-99, L7-991

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS'

ROLE IN IRAN'S CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION

Abbas Naeemi Jourshari1*, Mohammad Reza Gholami2, Ahmad Ali Hesabi3, Sadigheh Kashani4

1Young Researchers and Elite Club, Rasht Branch, Islamic Azad University, Rasht,

2Assistant Professor of University of Guilan, Rasht,

3Department of Social Science, College of Shoushtar, Islamic Azad University, Shoushtar,

4Teacher of History, Department of Education, Tehran (IRAN)

*Corresponding author: abbasnaeemi.j@gmail.com

DOI: 10.7813/2075-4124.2015/7-1/B.76

Received: 07 Dec, 2014

Accepted: 14 Jan, 2015

ABSTRACT

Current study aims to analyse the role of different political institutions in Iran's Constitutional Revolution. The study is

mainly concentrated on two features, a) construction and nature of the institutionsand b) institutional activities of three secret

societies: National Community (Anjoman-e-Melli), Secret Community (Anjoman-e-Maxfi), Adamiyat Convention (Majma-e-

Adamiyat). Comparative socio-historical method is applied to analyse data collected from available documents and books.

Key words: Political institution, Constitutional Revolution, National Community, Secret Community, Adamiyat Convention

1. INTRODUCTION

In all societies, social changes are led by intellectuals and their activities. When power is included in intellectual

movements, political aspect of the movements becomes significant. Political institutions play the most important roles in

political movements. The same can be claimed about Constitutional Revolution. Therefore, finding out political institutions

that have taken part in Iran's social changes can shed light on studies about Iran's socio-political situation. These institutions

might have had various roles in the revolution in Iran. Amongst different institutions National Community, Secret Community,

andAdamiyat Convention can be considered as the most influential.

Some researchers consider communities like Republicans Community1 and Divine Centre2(known as military branch

of Republican's Community by some researchers) as revolutionary communities before Constitutional Revolution (Kharabi,

2007: 25 and Kiyafar, 2005: 60-61). Although these two communities were established in 1905, two years before issuing

Constitution's mandate (Shakeri, 2007: 180), their activities were not regular and they did not have systematic institutional

activities and orderly visits before revolution. Based on Ajudani (2003: 411-442) and shakeri's(2005: 180-200) report,

activities of these two institution became visible after mandate and foundation of first parliament.

These explanation lead to a question about the role of three political institutions named asAdamiyat Convention,

National Community, and Secret Community in Constitutional Revolution. Current study aims to answer this question by

using comparative-historical method. Therefore, these three community's nature and activities will be discussed one by one

in following sections.

2. ADAMIYAT CONVENTION

2.1. Nature and Structure

After Naser-al-Din Shah's assassination, Mozafar-al-Din Shah who had spent 37 years of his life as Crown Prince

became king of Iran in his old age. He started his kingdom by making liberal decision in his policies. He opened country's

barriers to liberal newspapers such as Hablolmatin that was published in Kolkata, and Parvaresh that was published in Cairo.

He also encouraged establishment of educational communities and trade unions (Abrahamian, 1998: 97). Reformists and

Liberals exploit this given freedom, gathered together and established different communities and conventions. Some of them,

who were following Malkam Khan,established a secret community. After MalkamKhan'sfremasonary's breakup, Mirza Abbas

Gholi KhanAdamiyat established secret community that was named Adamiyat Convention (Shirali, 2005: 208). Exact date of

this political community's foundation is not clear. It seems that after Naser-al-Din Shah's death in 1896, absolutism

decreased so, liberals could start theiractivities. At this time, Abbas Gholi Khan used the provided opportunity tocreate

Adamiyat Convention (Adamiyat, 1961: 208).

Different names are given to this community in different documents. Nazem-ol-Sultan Kermani (1967: 243) named

this political community as "Adamiyat Secret Community"; Mokhber-ol- SaltaneHedayat (1984: 193) and MalekZade

(1984:611) named it as "Adamiyat Community"; and Mirza Abbas GholiAdamiyat (1961:208), the founder of the community

has referred to the community merely as "Adamiyat Party". But membership forms are filled in by members under name of

"Adamiyat Convention".

Mirza Abbas' deep friendship with Malkam Khan and his attempt to follow Malkam's methods in Adamiyat policies

resulted in questioning whether Mirza Abbas wascontinuing Malkam's freemasonry's opinions and trying to perform the same

1 In Persian: Ejtema'yunAmiyun 2 In Persian: Markaz- e- Qeybi

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thoughts. Ra'in (1966: 57-58) clearly answers this question by stating that: "we can infer that Adamiyat continues Malkam's

freemasonry in some ways."

This community was managed by an executive committee that included 12 individuals named Adamiyat's trusted

members. In Tehran, this secret institute had four branches named "Four Communities". Each community had its own head

who was one of the executive committee's members. Members of community named "Akhavan" means brothers (Adamiyat,

1961: 218).

Malekzade, author of History of Iran's Constitutional Revolution, had a sceptic view about Adamiyat Convention. He

claims that "condition for being Adamiyat's member was not being constitutionalist, but paying nominated membership"

(Adamiyat, 1984: 611).

Adamiyat's activity was not restricted to Tehran. As a matter of fact, they had branches in other parts of Iran, too.

They expanded their activities to cities like Kermanshah, Guilan, Mazandaran, Malayer. However, as Adamiyat (1961: 226)

indicates, there is not enough information about Adamiyat community's activities in other cities than Tehran.

A glance to members' list of this community proves that the community had members with various opinions and

viewpoints. Conservatives, liberals, radicals, absolutists, constitutionalists and reformists were all active under the name of

Adamiyat Convention (Shirali, 2005: 44-45). Adamiyat (1963: 223) who analysed almost 300 Adamiyat members' viewpoints

reports that from all these members "15 individuals were parliament representatives, 20 were Princes, 135 were famous

people, 11 were doctors, 3 were artists, 12 were military men, 13 were businessman, 14 were clergymen, and 90 were

middle class." Indeed, he recognized nine main category of social classes among Adamiyat members.

Adamiyat'sManifesto was written based on MirzaMalkam's two books: Principles of Humanity and Individual's

Constitutional Law. The former is about human's resurrection, religion, philanthropy and fighting against cruelty, and the

latter is an analysis of human rights. The main principles of Adamiyat Convention weretwo significant facts: human society

should be led by an honest sage and the only discussion that is allowed there was the one about science, knowledge and

humanity.

All remained documents and scripts demonstrate that Adamiyat Convention did not have revolutionary ideas. They

disagreedall forcing actions to achieve their political goals. Executive committee members ofAdamiyat were against

extremism and believed that all extremist activities may lead to divergence from nature of freedom.

2.2. Institutional Activities

In June 1906, few months before victory of constitutionalists' movement, people in Tehran gathered in Jame Mosque

under Two Seyyeds' leadership. Eyn-ol-dole ordered his military men to disperse protesters even by shooting at

them,especially if theypersistedin continuing their protest (Bayat: 1978:209). Abbas Gholi Khan, Adamiyat's leader,

requested soldiers to beware of their deeds. He asked them not to repeat Ghazvin's armies fault by showing aggression.

Abbas Gholi could finally convince the soldiers to promise him not to attack people in street. Subsequently, people could

easily communicate and show their protests during those two days. They could even walk to Arg while no one dared to

attack them (Kermani, 1967: 243-244).

Another important achievement of Adamiyat Convention was obtained by a letter thatAbbas Gholi wrote to Mozafarol-

Din Shah. Frank, punctual, explicit tone of this letter demonstrates Adamiyat'spolitical power, social influence and

importance. Abbas Gholi addressed the King before foundation of parliament by saying that "the parliament should be

consistently open and works ceaselessly" (1966:58).

During Constitutional revolution (from the first days of protests till Tehran's occupation and Mohammad Ali Shah's

replacement by Ahmad Shah) Adamiyat members were quiet active. To name some of their achievement, cases such as

getting Mirza Ali Asghar Khan Atabak and Mohammad Ali shah's acceptance to accompany constitutionalists and gaining

their promise to establish Majlis-e Shora (parliament) can be mentioned. Since most of their activities related to postrevolution

time, the current research is not going to mention them due to the goal of study that is limited to revolution time.

3. NATIONAL COMMUNITY

3.1. Nature and Structure

In 1897-8, a group of reformist and liberal intellectuals established a community in Tehran. The name of the

community was Ma'aref and Amin-ol-dole, YahyaDoaltabadi, Mohammad HosseinAmin-ol-Zarb were the most salient

members of the community (Afari, 2000: 65). The community was a basis for the establishment of National Library that was

built in 1904 to expand nationalistic ideologies. Haj SeyyadNasrollahAkhundi, Mirza Agha Isfihani, Haj Mirza Hassan

Roshdiye and Majd-ol-Islam Kermani were founder of the library (Azizi, 2006: 25).

This library was a centre of political and social discussions. A newspaper named Summery of Events that aimed to

disperseworld's news had been publishing in the library by British Embassy's assistance (Browne: 2001: 121). As a result of

these cultural activities in Tehran, Iranian intellectuals and liberals of the city began to trust each other and recognize other's

viewpoints and thoughts. These interactions in National Library persuaded intellectuals to pursue their activities officiallyby

establishing a congress (MalekZadeh: 1984: 237).They tended to take advantage of political competitions among courtiers,

religious leaders, conservative extremists, and ministers. They also started liaison with religious intellectuals to reduce any

doubt about their activities among religious majority. They stated that moderation and affability are the most salient features

of their manifesto. They benefited speeches, lectures, newspaper, announcements, and translating books and articles to

dispread their principles and main features of democracy. They believed that awakening people is the only gate to victory

(Abrahamian, 1998: 100).

At their first meeting, leaders of the community indicated that having regular weekly meeting with all members'

attendance is not secure. Indeed, they believed that the meetings may lead to the discovery of the community and

arrestment of all members by government. Therefore, they decided to select individuals to create a committee. These

restricted meeting could prevent quick identification of group and reduce dread of being arrested. Nine individuals who were

selected by majorityas the core members of the community were Malek –ol-Motekalemin, Seyyed Jamal-ol-Din Vaez,

Seyyed Mohammad Reza Mosavat, SeyyedAsadollahKharghani, Sheikh-ol-Ra'is, Ab-ol-Hassan Mirza, Agha MirzaMohssen,

MirzaSoleyman Kham Meykade, Haji MirzaYayhyaDolatabadi, and MirzaMohammad Ali Khan Nosrat-ol-Sultan (MalekZade,

1984: 243).

Combination of the members of this revolutionary committee demonstrates the ideological homogeneity along with

social variation of intellectuals at that era. Based onAbrahamian's (1998: 100-10)report, it is recognizable that 15 government

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employee, 8 teachers, 4 author/translator, a doctor, 14 clergymen, a tribe head, 3 merchants and 4 artisan were main

members of the community.

All members of the community became familiar with Western Civilization through attending Dar-ol-Fonun (Iranian first

University in Tehran, established by Amir Kabir), learning European languages, reading translated books, or Seyyed Jamalol-

Din and Malkam Khan's trainings. Their age range was between 40 and 50, so it can be said they were mostly middleaged.

Three members of the community were Ghajari (from Ghajar Dynasty who were governing Iran at the time), 21

members were from leading religious families, 7 were children of government employees, and 8 of them had merchant

fathers. The group members had also various religious ideas. As a matter of fact, 2 members of the community were

Zoroastrian, 1 of them was from Ne'mati minority and at least 5 of them belonged to Azali (means eternal in Persian) Secret

Group. Some conservatives believed that few members were even secular (an ideology that was extremely unacceptable in

Iran's religious society at the time). From those 40 mentioned members, 35 members were from Persian speaking cities of

Iran (Tehran, Isfahan, Shiraz, and Kerman).

Although members of National Community had come from different ideological backgrounds and social classes, the

community was much more homogenous than Adamiyat Convention. However, revolutionary committee members of this

community were relatively more radical than Adamiyat Convention members (Abrahamian, 1998: 100). Their attempt was not

restricted to conditional constitution or limitation of Crown's power since they wanted to conduct revolution for a complete

social and political change. They believed that Iran's problem was individuals' unawareness. Therefore, they fight against

government, king, colonization of Iran by foreigners, and even the influence of religion in politics (MalekZade, 1984: 241).

National Community as the most significant and influential institution in Tehran, was acting cleverly (Afary, 2000: 98).

The proof for this claim is the community's manifesto with 18 articles. In their manifesto, they emphasized on two important

facts: taking advantage of schism among government officials and provoking and encouraging ambitious Iranian to fight

against government. It was also stated that "those who are able to understand other languages were supposed to accept

responsibility of translating any books about the history of revolutions in developed countries (MalekZade: 1984: 242).

A glance to National community's manifesto reveals two important facts about their leaders. First of all, they were

wise enough to avoid any activity that could be an obstacle in their way of achieving their goals. Second, they always

attempted to avoid all violent acts.

3.2. Institutional Activity

The most active time for National Community was during the years between 1905 and 1908 (Sa'idi, 2005: 66).

Central committee grouped all members to small groups of five and organized their activity due to Iran society's situations

and conditions. MalekZade(1984) summarized the most important activities of National Community as follows:

1) Sending representatives to Islamic holy places to obtain religious leaders' support

2) Linking SeyedBehbahani and Tabatabayi for cooperation

3) Obtaining merchants cooperation for the sake of revolution's goal

4) Using Ottoman's emblazoner's power and influence to help refugees of Abd-ol-Azim's Shrine

5) Direct interference of National Community's members in conducting refugee's demands and requests from

government.

6) Paying for all refugees of Abd-ol-Azim's Shrine's costs

7) Publishing manifests/ statements and dispersing them among people

Dolatabadi (1982: 19-24), one of National Community's members, and MalekZade(1984: 287-301) have claimed that

two important acts inAbd-ol-Azim's Shrine had been carried out by National Community: 1) attempting to increase the schism

between Eyn-ol-Dole and refugees so that the protest took longer time. In this way, revolutionist could take advantage of the

extra time they bought. 2) attempting to force protesters to request establishment of justice house in addition to their other

demands from Mozafar-ol-Din Shah. Although there exist different stories about first person or group who proposed the idea

of asking for building ajustice house, Kermani (1967: 118-119) confirms the claim about National Community's role in

foundation of it. Based on historical documents and reports, it can be concluded that National Community has played

significant role in leading and directing Constitution Movement.

4. SECRET COMMUNITY

4.1. Nature and Structure

The idea for establishing Secret Community was proposed by MirzaSeyyed Mohammad Tabatabayi in 1905.

Tabatabayi who became of Constitutional Revolution's leader, urged Nazem-ol-Islam to form a secret community.

Following his father, SeyyedSadegh who was a member of Malkam Khan's Freemasonary, Tabatabayi tended to

establish a secret community to awaken people. He always believed that such institution could help Iranians to learn how to

fight against cruelty and how to attempt to gain their rights (Kermani, 1987: 5).

The day after Tabatabayi and Nazem-ol-Islam's meeting, Nazem-ol-Islam sent invitations to people he knew. Next

Thursday after meeting, they gathered together in Nazim's home. Nazim, in his autobiography names some of those

individuals. However, it can be guessed that he did not reveal all members' names due to secret nature of the community.

Restricted list of names that Nazim mentioned in his book is as follows: Nazim-ol- Islam Kermani, Mirza Ahmad

KermaniZolriyasatayn. Agha Sheykh Ahmad Shirazi (Known as Philosopher), AdibBehbahani, SeyyedBorhan-ol-Din

Khalkhali, and Agha Seyyed Ahmad Naser-ol-Shari'eKermani (Kermani, 1967: 63-68). He also mentioned more names such

as Mohammad Golpaygani, Haj Mola Ali Shoja' Lashkar, SahafBashiMirza Hassan Kashani, SheykhYahyaKashani,

Mo'inHozur and DabirHozur in his other writings. It is mentioned that inviting these new members caused disagreement

among older members of Secret Community.

While majority of Adamiyat Convention and National Community's members were from novel intellectual class,

members of Secret Community were mostly from traditional class (Abrahamian, 1998: 102). Moreover, Javaheri (2001: 94-

95) adds that majority of members were religious, and the founder of the community like Kermani, Khalkhali, Isfihani, and

Shirazi were moderate clergymen who established this community by MirzaTabatabayi's support. However, it should be

noted that intellectuals who accepted nationalism, secularism and modern constitutionalism as the main features of their

viewpoints, and middle class religious nationalistsboth had one same goal in their activities: attacking central government

and fight against absolutism.

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After a month of foundation of Secret Community and during their 8th meeting at Zolriyasatayn Home, the core

members of the community authorized their manifesto (Kermani, 1967: 33). The manifesto was supposed to be a guide for

those seeking freedom. Kermani (ibid: 47) cited 9 parts of the manifesto stating that other parts (from nine to 15) were kept

as a secret among community members forever.

The committee's ideologies and goals could be summarized as followsbased on Kermani's notes, remained texts of

meetings and other documents:

1) The community members considered Mozafar-ol-Din Shah as a kind-hearted king, but they believed that his

spoiled companions are source of corruption in Iran (Kermani, 1967: 7).

2) The community hoped to awaken people by educating them (ibid: 8).

3) The community considered Iran's lack of constitution as the most significant reason of Iranian's misery (ibid:

15-16).

4) The community was severely against Mozafar-ol-Din Shah's costly travels to foreign countries and subsequent

loans from foreigners to pay for the trips. They were also unsatisfied with Iran's army's weakness (Shirali,

2005: 107).

5) Committee's meetings were held in members' homes. The meetings were usually started by the host's speech

and continued by reading Habl-ol-Matin newspaper or EbrahimBeyg's Itinerary. Reading this book and

newspaper was a way to gain knowledge about Iran's social and political situation.

6) Members of Secret Community were named as "soldiers of country" or "country's devotee" by Kermani (1967:

61).

4.2. Institutional Activity

Secret Community aimed to fight against injustice no matter under the name of constitutional kingdom or republic

(Etehadiye, 1982: 61). Therefore, they had variety of activities. However, it is possible to categorize their acts in three

groups: advertising, political and cultural activities. Each category is analysed in this part.

- Advertising Activities

Advertising activities can be considered as the community's main function at the beginning. Primitive members of the

community was attempting to attract individuals from various classes especially those open minded ones who had influence

on society or government. At the beginning, the community had endeavoured to convince well-reputed individuals such as

SheykhMostafaAshtiyani (Mirza Hassan's son), Sultan-olMotekalemin and Sheykh Mohammad Va'iz to accept the

community's membership. There exists limited information about Secret Community's activities in other cities and places of

Iran, but it is obvious that their attempts were not restricted to Tehran. Community expanded its activity zone to other parts of

Iran specially Iran's states soon after foundation according to Kermani (1967:181).

It seems that community's advertising was beneficial for it. They could convince Shoja' to assure them to provide an

army of 500 cavaliers to enter Tehran whenever it is needed. Mo'inHozur also promised to assassinate Eyn-ol-Dole if the

community had decided so. He also promised to sell his property and spend the money for the sake of Community.

- Political Activities

Creating a liaison between MirzaTabatabayi and SeyyedBehbahani during Constitutional Revolution was actually the

result of Secret Community's activities and attempts (Kermani, 1967: 251). Although MalekZade(1984: 246) claimed that the

liaison was formed as the result of National Community's attempt, it should be noted that MirzaTabatabayi had close telation

with Secret Community. Indeed, the community was established by Mirza's order (Adamiyat: 1961: 246). It was also claimed

that revealing Mr Nauz' photo while smoking shisha in clergymen's clothes in a masquerade ball was one of Secret

Community's activities done by MostafaAshtiyani (Heravi: 1951: 119). Later, SeyyedBehbahani benefited the event to

provoke people for a protest against foreigner's presence in Iran. The most significant activity of the community was their

leading movement when protesters took refuge in British Embassy (Kermani, 1967: 247).

Secret Community had various socio-political requests including authoring national law and establishing justice

house, inscribing farms and landlords, establishing fair taxing system, conducting reforms in military, legalizing ways of

choosing and deposition of governors, encouraging national merchants, building schools, limiting executive committee's

power, observing salaries of crown and official governors and performing religious laws (Na'eemi: 2012: 52). Secret

Community members had claimed at the time that "if these requests and acts are performed, Iran will be more developed

country than Japan for the next Generation" (Kermani: 1967: 62).

- Cultural Activities

Cultural activities of the community were not restricted to Iran. The main reason for members to expand what they

did was strict media's censorship conducted by Eyn-ol-dole (Shirali, 2005: 114). In their eighth meeting, the community

decided to ask all members to author an article each two weeks. The articles were reading in meeting and sending to

newspapers after being confirmed by all other members (Kermani, 1967: 47-48).

Reading Melkam Khan and Mostashar-ol-Dole's writings and books was other cultural activity of the community.

Indeed, in their fifth meeting they agreed to read the books during Moharam's religious holidays. They also decided to

publish Mostashar-ol-Dole's book named as One Word and disperse it among people (Kermani, 1967: 27).

5. CONCLUSION

Adamiyat Convention was mostly a home to intellectuals while Secret Community's members were mostly from

religious individuals. National community had both intellectual and religious members. All three political institutionshave

played significant roles during Constitutional Revolution. Therefore, limiting the revolution only to one of these communities

without considering it in relation to others cannot lead to a comprehensive understanding of socio-political aspects of the

revolution.

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